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Religious Liberty, Rural Identity, and Same-Sex Marriage
By Luke A. Boso
In November of 2016, Donald Trump stunned the world by winning the U.S. presidential election. Post-election analysis reveals that Trump rode a populist wave fueled by economic and cultural anxieties in America’s rural working-class. Exit polls showed that sixty-two percent of rural voters went for Trump, while only thirty-five percent of urban voters did so.[1]
What made Donald Trump so appealing to rural voters? And what role do LGBTQ rights play in the populist, conservative moment that has seized Congress and the Presidency? Social science research suggests that many people who live in rural areas share a strong collective culture rooted in place. I suggest in a forthcoming Article, Rural Resentment and LGBTQ Equality,[2] that this culture is organized around three core tenets: community solidarity, individual self-reliance, and compliance with religiously informed gender and sexual norms. Heterosexuality and biologically congruent gender expression are interwoven into all three tenets.
When the Supreme Court in 2015’s Obergefell v. Hodges[3] decision held that same-sex marriage bans violate the U.S. Constitution, an already troubled relationship between rural America and the LGBTQ rights movement was further complicated. After Obergefell, rural communities were suddenly required by law to accept public manifestations of gay, lesbian, and bisexual identities in the form of state-sanctioned same-sex marriages. Obergefell granted gay individuals the perceived “special right” to be publicly different in rural communities that demand sameness.[4] Obergefell encouraged gay individuals to both ask and tell in defiance of community solidarity values that counsel silent obedience to the religiously informed norms of heterosexuality and gender-conformity.
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